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Supporters of the Affordable Care Act gathered outside the Supreme Court in 2015. Credit Doug Mills/The New York Times |
More
than two and a half years have gone by since the Affordable Care Act,
a.k.a. Obamacare, went fully into effect. Most of the news about health
reform since then has been good, defying the dire predictions of
right-wing doomsayers. But this week has brought some genuine bad news:
The giant insurer Aetna announced that it would be pulling out of many
of the “exchanges,” the special insurance markets the law established.
This
doesn’t mean that the reform is about to collapse. But some real
problems are cropping up. They’re problems that would be relatively easy
to fix in a normal political system, one in which parties can
compromise to make government work. But they won’t get resolved if we
elect a clueless president (although he’d turn to terrific people, the
best people, for advice, believe me. Not.). And they’ll be difficult to
resolve even with a knowledgeable, competent president if she faces
scorched-earth opposition from a hostile Congress.
The story so far: Since Obamacare took full effect in January 2014, two things have happened. First, the percentage of Americans who are uninsured has dropped sharply. Second, the growth of health costs has slowed sharply, so that the law is costing both consumers and taxpayers less than expected.
Meanwhile,
the bad things that were supposed to happen didn’t. Health reform
didn’t cause the budget deficit to soar; it didn’t kill private-sector jobs,
which have actually grown more rapidly since Obamacare went into effect
than at any time since the 1990s. Evidence also is growing that the law
has meant a significant improvement in both health and financial security for millions, probably tens of millions, of Americans.
So what’s the problem?
Well,
Obamacare is a system that relies on private insurance companies to
provide much of its expanded coverage (not all, because expanded Medicaid
is also a big part of the system). And many of these private insurers
are now finding themselves losing money, because previously uninsured
Americans who are signing up turn out to have been sicker and more in
need of costly care than we realized.
Some
insurers are responding by hiking premiums, which were initially set
well below what the law’s framers expected. And some insurers are simply
pulling out of the system.
In Aetna’s case there’s reason to believe that there was also another factor: vindictiveness
on the part of the insurer after antitrust authorities turned down a
proposed merger. That’s an important story, but not central to the
broader issue of health reform.
So how bad is the problem?
Much
of the new system is doing pretty well — not just the Medicaid
expansion, but also private insurer-based exchanges in big states that
are trying to make the law work, California in particular.
The bad news mainly hits states that have small populations and/or have
governments hostile to reform, where the exit of insurers may leave
markets without adequate competition. That’s not the whole country, but
it would be a significant setback.
But it would be quite easy to fix
the system. It seems clear that subsidies for purchasing insurance, and
in some cases for insurers themselves, should be somewhat bigger — an
affordable proposition given that the program so far has come in under
budget, and easily justified now that we know just how badly many of our
fellow citizens needed coverage. There should also be a reinforced
effort to ensure that healthy Americans buy insurance, as the law
requires, rather than them waiting until they get sick. Such measures
would go a long way toward getting things back on track.
Beyond all that, what about the public option?
The
idea of allowing the government to offer a health plan directly to
families was blocked in 2010 because private insurers didn’t want to
face the competition. But if those insurers aren’t actually interested
in providing insurance, why not let the government step in (as Hillary
Clinton is in fact proposing)?
The
trouble, of course, is Congress: If Republicans control one or both
houses, it’s all too likely that they’ll do what they do best — try to
sabotage a Democratic president through lack of cooperation. Unless it’s
such a wave election that Democrats take the House, or at least can
claim an overwhelming mandate, the obvious fixes for health reform will
be off the table.
That
said, there may still be room for action at the executive level. And
I’m hearing suggestions that states may be able to offer their own
public options; if these proved successful, they might gradually become
the norm.
However
this plays out, it’s important to realize that as far as anyone can
tell, there’s nothing wrong with Obamacare that couldn’t be fairly
easily fixed with a bit of bipartisan cooperation. The only thing that
makes this hard is the blocking power of politicians who want reform to
fail.
By Paul Krugman, New York Times
__________
Read my blog, The Conscience of a Liberal, and follow me on Twitter, @PaulKrugman.
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